Заявление президента и генерального секретаря Пагуошского движения учёных в связи с ратификацией Сенатом США Договора СНВ-3

23 декабря 2010 года президент Пагуошского движения учёных посол Дж. Данапала и генеральный секретарь организации П. Котта-Рамусино опубликовали Заявление в связи с ратификацией Сенатом Соединённых Штатов Америки Договора между Российской Федерацией и Соединенными Штатами Америки о мерах по дальнейшему сокращению и ограничению стратегических наступательных вооружений (СНВ-3):

Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs

1995 Nobel Peace Prize

Statement from Pugwash President and Secretary General on New START Ratification by the US Senate

The US Senate's ratification on 22 December of the New START treaty is an important step toward greater international security and stability.   It was a hard-fought battle to secure passage, and many talented people have worked tirelessly to secure its ratification despite determined domestic partisan obstructionism. 

Despite what may have been unprecedented personal involvement in the process by Presidents Obama and Medvedev, the tone of the US debate and the nature of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee resolution might lead to some reaction in the Duma. We strongly urge a positive outcome.

People all over the world have been watching closely while what should have been a non-controversial treaty became mired in a mix of domestic US politicking and a revival of Cold War fear-mongering. 

Concerns have been raised that the astronomical price paid in terms of further investment in the US weapons labs and the maintenance of the existing arsenal was too high.  The intensely partisan nature of US politics has dampened hopes for further progress.

Urgent steps must be taken to demonstrate solid and sustained leadership on reducing the salience and relevance of nuclear weapons.  The US and Russia have a special responsibility, but other countries can play critical roles.

1.  The UN Secretary General, the US, Russia and the UK should urgently and immediately work with Middle Eastern states to move forward plans for the proposed 2012 conference on a regional zone from of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction.  (Concrete suggestions in this regard are the subject of a recent Pugwash report, available at www.pugwash.org).

2.  The US and its allies should use the opportunity of the NATO deterrence review to demonstrate decreased reliance on nuclear weapons.  US nuclear weapons based in Europe should be withdrawn, setting a precedent that no nuclear weapons should be based on the territory of another country.  This would include removal of US nuclear weapons from Turkey as the first step toward a Middle East Nuclear Weapons/WMD free zone.

3.  Ironically, despite the billions of dollars to be invested in the US nuclear stockpile, it seems improbable that the Obama Administration could get through the new Senate ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.  Other countries needed for Entry Into Force of the treaty should seriously consider ratifying the treaty as a way to provide support (and pressure) for US ratification. 

4.  The US and Russia should go back to the negotiating table, and begin to discuss further reductions, including in tactical nuclear weapons and in non-deployed strategic nuclear weapons.  This may well include the need for inter-related discussions on conventional forces (lessons learned well through negotiation of the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty).

5.  As a contribution to decreasing the role and the salience of nuclear weapons, countries at the regional or global level should consider agreements on no use (or no first use) of nuclear weapons. Other countries (and indeed NATO) should consider at least adopting declaratory language that guarantees countries will not be attacked with nuclear weapons if they themselves do not launch such an attack.  It is a simple step, but symbolically very important.

6.  Steps must be taken to move forward on a fissile material agreement, and all States should provide a positive contribution to these debates at the Conference on Disarmament and elsewhere.

President Obama raised hopes of a more far-reaching agenda than he seems likely to deliver.  In April 2009 in Prague, he stated "clearly and with conviction America's commitment to seek the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons."  He said we "must ignore the voices who tell us that the world cannot change. We have to insist, 'Yes, we can.'"  We urge him to use those powers at his discretion and the platform he holds to fulfill that promise unequivocally.

Likewise, we urge all leaders around the world to help to create the conditions and dialogue needed to decrease and ultimately eliminate the nuclear dangers we face.  

23 December 2010

Amb. Jayantha Dhanapala 

President   

Prof. Paolo Cotta-Ramusino

Secretary General